Belarus Review by iSANS — January 20, 2025 

Belarus Review by iSANS — January 20, 2025
Photo: president.gov.by
  1. MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS
  2. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
  3. HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION AND INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE
  4. PROPAGANDA

MILITARY DEVELOPMENTS

Russian “Shahed” drones continued to be detected entering Belarusian airspace during the week under review. From January 13 to January 19, 15 drones were reported to have flown into Belarus from Ukrainian territory. Specific incidents were recorded on January 14 (one drone), January 16 (one drone), January 18 (one drone), and January 19 (12 drones). Most of these drones later returned to Ukrainian territory, while the location of the remaining drones has not yet been determined.

On January 13, the Belarusian State Military Industrial Committee announced the completion of state trials for the prototype armored personnel carrier “Volat V2,” developed by the Minsk Wheel Tractor Plant at the request of the Belarusian Ministry of Defense. The vehicle is equipped with an unmanned combat module designed by the “Display Design Bureau.” The trials reportedly confirmed that the “Volat V2” meets its stated technical and operational characteristics, with plans for serial production to begin in the near future.

From January 14 to 16, a joint staff exercise of the Unified Command of the Regional Group of Forces took place in Minsk, according to the Belarusian Ministry of Defense. The exercise focused on “Making decisions regarding the deployment of the Regional Group of Forces to ensure the military security of the Union State.” During the exercise, representatives of the Belarusian and Russian armed forces worked through one scenario for the deployment of group forces (troops) in joint operations at stationary command posts. The exercise is part of preparations for the joint strategic drills “Zapad-2025”, scheduled to be held in Belarus in September 2025.

From January 14 to 16, tactical training sessions were conducted in the Hrodna garrison with battalion (division) commanders and their deputies, the Belarusian Ministry of Defense reported. The primary goal was to improve combat training efficiency. Demonstration exercises at the “Hozhsky” training ground covered tactical, firearms, engineering, and other combat readiness subjects. Participants practiced new methods of combat operations and weapons application, and paid a special attention to training personnel to counter drones, organize ambush and counter-ambush actions, and operate in small tactical groups in forested areas, during building assaults, and when clearing trenches. They also addressed the installation and breaching of mine-explosive barriers.

On January 16, in an interview with the pro-government outlet “SB. Belarus Today,” State Secretary of the Belarusian Security Council Aliaksandr Valfovich alleged that militants are being actively trained in Poland and Ukraine for the so-called “Belarusian Liberation Army.” He claimed that extremist groups could potentially be used in an armed operation to seize one or more border districts of Belarus, declare the area “free,” and enable Western countries to deploy a “peacekeeping contingent.”

On January 17, media outlets reported the appearance of new fortifications in the area approximately six kilometers from the Lithuanian border. The structures include a 340-meter-long trench and additional dugouts. The fortifications are located near the “Hozhsky” training ground on both sides of the R42 road leading to the border. Construction appears to be ongoing, with initial groundwork reportedly having started between 2022 and 2023.

POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS


U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken issued a statement condemning Belarus’s upcoming presidential “elections”, citing pervasive censorship, the absence of independent media, and the imprisonment or exile of opposition members as factors undermining credibility of the “elections”. Blinken criticized the Lukashenka regime’s campaign of repression, describing it as “a sign of weakness rather than strength”, and highlighted the unprecedented crackdown on dissent, which reflects the regime’s fear of its people: “The Lukashenka regime’s systematic efforts to silence any dissent have determined the outcome of the election long before any ballots are cast, depriving the Belarusian people of the opportunity to choose their own leaders and determine their own future. The United States joins many of our European allies in assessing that elections cannot be credible in an environment where censorship is ubiquitous and independent media outlets no longer exist, where only regime-approved candidates can even appear on the ballot, and where members of the opposition are either imprisoned or in exile”. Secretary of State noted that Belarus failed to invite OSCE observers promptly, further demonstrating its disregard for a transparent electoral process. Blinken also pointed at approximately 1,300 political prisoners in Belarus and expressed support for Belarusian civil society. “The United States condemns the Lukashenka regime’s campaign of repression and its attempts to legitimize an election that cannot be free or fair”- he said.

In turn, the leader of the Belarusian democratic forces, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, thanked the United States for condemning the repression and the “elections” in Belarus and expressed her intention to continue working with the U.S. and European allies.

The OSCE refused to observe the elections in Belarus. The OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) stated on the social network X on January 17: “The late invitation from Belarus only 10 days before the presidential election prevents ODIHR’s access to key stages of the election process, making meaningful observation impossible. The information in our statement from 9 January stands,” the Bureau said. A week earlier, the organization expressed regret over Minsk’s decision not to invite OSCE representatives to observe the upcoming presidential elections, which will be held on January 26. This “deprives the citizens of the country of a transparent and complete assessment of the entire process,” said ODIHR Director Maria Telalian. On January 17, the Belarusian Foreign Ministry posted on Facebook that it would send an invitation to the ODIHR to observe the elections.

Meanwhile, at the official Embassy of Belarus in Warsaw, invitations to representatives of the Polish pro-Kremlin party “Front” were handed over to observe the reelection of Lukashenka. Before that, the “Front” party signed a cooperation agreement with the regime-controlled “Liberal Democratic Party of Belarus” on September 10, 2024, in Minsk.

Russia is advancing toward the de facto annexation of Belarus, significantly enhancing its military and economic capabilities and posing risks to the U.S., NATO, and Ukraine, according to a recent report by the Institute for the Study of War (ISW). Through the framework of the Union State, Moscow is tightening its control over Belarus, transforming it into a strategic ally for achieving its geopolitical objectives. The Kremlin reportedly aims to use this integration to offset the costs of its prolonged war in Ukraine, accelerate post-war recovery, and prepare for future conflicts more efficiently, state ISW experts. Key areas of integration include military, political, and economic collaboration. Russia seeks to dominate Belarusian armed forces even in peacetime, create a unified legal framework, and introduce a common currency. This also involves maintaining permanent Russian military bases and aligning the economic systems of the two nations. The report emphasizes the importance of the U.S. and NATO adopting new strategies to address the regional security threats posed by Belarus’s increasing dependency on Russia.

According to a statement from the Kremlin’s press service, Vladimir Putin and Aliaksandr Lukashenka held a telephone conversation. “The President of Russia also wished Lukashenka success in the upcoming presidential elections on January 26, 2025. The leaders reaffirmed their mutual commitment to strengthening the alliance and strategic partnership between the two countries and agreed to continue personal contacts,” the press release reads. According to the Telegram channel of Lukashenka’s press service, they exchanged holiday greetings for the Epiphany and discussed future interactions. “They also addressed current working issues of bilateral cooperation. As emphasized by the leaders, the intensity of Belarus-Russia cooperation in all areas must be maintained,” the source reported.

During the period under review, it became known that applications for the “New Belarus” passport would open on January 26, requiring the current Belarusian passport and proof of legal residency in the EU (e.g., residence permit or asylum documents). The application fee is reportedly 97 EUR and biometric data submission is mandatory. While the passport is not yet recognized as an international travel document, negotiations are being held to establish its status and usability for travel. The primary goal of the initiative is to aid Belarusians in addressing legalization issues, as explained by project coordinator Marius Gudelaitis. Applications will initially be accepted during the “Belarusians Deserve Better” forum in Warsaw and later at the Belarusian Passport Center in Vilnius. According to Gudelaitis, data security is assured, with strict access limitations to prevent unauthorized disclosure of passport ownership. The “New Belarus” passport project was launched by the Belarusian Democratic Forces on August 6, 2023, as a response to restrictions imposed by the de-facto authorities in Minsk on Belarusians in exile from obtaining official documents abroad due to the ongoing political crisis in the country. Meanwhile, the President of Lithuania, Gitanas Nauseda, stated that the idea of legally recognizing such passports could be considered. In addition, the Lithuanian leader indicated that he is not overly concerned about using the Belarusian “Pahonia” on the passport cover, which resembles Lithuania’s state symbol “Vytis.” According to Nauseda, Lithuania may allow this symbol to be used by those nations that “embrace freedom and do not kneel before Putin.”

A Polish TV channel TVN24 released an investigation into the connections between Polish businessman Witold K. and Alexander Zingman, a key figure linked to the Lukashenka regime. The investigation revealed that until recently, Witold K. owned a prestigious restaurant in Minsk, where high-ranking officials, including Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, were served. The restaurant was run by Zingman’s wife, and its employees included former members of Belarusian security forces. Witold K. also supplied agricultural machinery to Kenya, with Zingman reportedly present at meetings surrounding a controversial contract, for which K. faced bribery accusations in Poland, though the investigation has stalled due to slow cooperation from Kenyan authorities. The investigation also uncovered ties between Zingman and Viktar Sheiman, a key confidant of Lukashenka. Polish prosecutors previously investigated Witold K.’s alleged involvement in foreign intelligence activities but ultimately dropped the case in late 2024. Despite these findings, he continued to engage with Polish officials and hold positions in various Polish chambers of commerce. In an interview, he denied any involvement with Zingman or owning the Minsk restaurant, although the establishment closed shortly afterward.

Belarusian Prime Minister Roman Halouchanka expressed confidence that Belarus’s cooperation with the West will eventually resume. Speaking to journalists, he said, “There is interest, especially from business circles suffering from the policies of their own governments, pursued in the name of some unclear and mythical values.” Halouchanka emphasized his allegedly calm approach to the current situation and added, “I am convinced that sooner or later, cooperation will resume. Of course, we would like this to happen sooner. The earlier it happens, the less everyone involved will suffer.”

On January 14-15, consultations between the foreign ministries of Belarus and Iran took place in Minsk. The discussions focused on reviewing the legal and treaty framework of Belarus-Iran relations and other international legal issues. Lukashenka’s delegation was led by Andrei Popkau from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while Seyed Ali Musavi headed the Iranian side. Both parties reportedly worked on finalizing pending international legal documents and updated the list of active bilateral agreements. They also exchanged views on international legal matters within the frameworks of the UN and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.

On January 14, the Lithuanian Seimas decided to denounce the agreement with Belarus on the avoidance of double taxation of income and tax violations. The decision was supported by 111 deputies, with four voting against and six abstaining. It was also noted that Belarus had already unilaterally suspended the application of certain provisions of the treaty concerning Lithuanian citizens. Earlier, Lithuania had also denounced its agreement with Belarus on cooperation in the field of customs legislation.

HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION AND INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE

Over the past four and a half years, the repression by the Lukashenka regime has affected more than 136 thousand Belarusians. This was reported by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya on her Telegram channel. She stressed that “everyone was touched by this wave in one way or another – through family, friends, relatives or personally”.

In 2024, almost 9,000 persons were subjected to repression in Belarus, “Viasna” Human Rights Center reports. As of the end of 2024, 6,550 persons were sentenced to various types of punishment on politically motivated charges. At least 8,895 persons were subjected to various types of repression related to criminal or administrative prosecution (arrests, interrogations, searches). Four political prisoners died in colonies and pre-trial detention centers. More than ten political prisoners remained incommunicado. The authorities continue to torture and ill-treat dissidents and representatives of the opposition. There have been no cases of torture being investigated or punished since 2020. The number of NGOs is decreasing, and their activities are being criminalized. Repression against journalists, media workers and bloggers has intensified.

Since 2020, 71 persons have been convicted for “acts of terrorism” and attempted commission of such acts. Anarcho-partisans, defendants in “the Autukhovich case”, rail partisans, defendants in “the Machulishcha case”, “the Haidukevich case”, “the Civil Self-Defense Units case”, and others were tried on this charge. German doctor Rico Krieger was sentenced to death under a “terrorist charge”. He was later pardoned and released as part of a prisoner exchange between the United States, Germany, Russia and Belarus. Of the 71 convicted for political reasons, there were eight women and seven foreign citizens. Nine persons were convicted in absentia.

During the New Year and Christmas holidays, eight persons, who were returning to Belarus from abroad, were detained while crossing the border. The head of the BYSOL foundation, human rights activist Andrei Stryzhak noted that there may be significantly more detainees. He commented that among the detainees were those who left Belarus before or after the 2020 protests. “There were persons who were cut off from the Belarusian realities, they had been living in the European Union for a long time and, for example, in 2020 they made one-time small donation, liked or commented on something,” Stryzhak said, “They did not perceive their actions as a threat to come to Belarus and quite unexpectedly found themselves under criminal prosecution.” In October 2024, “Viasna” Human Rights Center wrote that at least 66 persons had been convicted in Belarus in politically motivated criminal cases after returning from abroad. These are only known cases – the actual number of such cases may be higher. Of the 66 persons, at least 36 are currently in custody. The longest term, 11 years of imprisonment, was imposed on Yaraslau Sakovich, who returned to Belarus in 2021 because of his sick parents.

On January 10, the Brest Regional Court announced the verdict of Aliaksandr Darahakupets, a resident of Ivanava. He was sentenced to five years and six months of imprisonment, as well as a fine of 50,000 basic units (2.1 million rubles, or about 624,000 Euro). Darahakupets was accused of transferring money and cryptocurrency in the amount of at least 11 thousand rubles to “extremist formations,” including Kalinouski’s Regiment. He was found guilty of facilitating deliberate actions aimed at inciting social discord and hostility based on other social affiliation; joining an extremist group for the purpose of committing an extremist crime; providing funds to consciously support extremist activities, including repeatedly; financing the recruitment, education, other training and use of citizens of Belarus and stateless persons permanently residing in Belarus to participate in the territory of a foreign state as part of an armed group of the warring parties, in armed conflicts and military operations in the absence of signs of mercenary activity; and facilitating extremist activities. During the investigation of the criminal case, he “voluntarily transferred” 600 thousand USD to the state institutions “Chervenski Boarding School for children with disabilities with special physical development”, “Ivyanetsky Boarding School for children with disabilities with special physical development” and “Republican Center for Medical Response Organization”.

The Operational and Analytical Center of Belarus cancelled the registration of the domain name of the Convenient City platform “petitions.by”, used for the collection of signatures under petitions to the authorities. “The domain petitions.by no longer belongs to us and can be used by third parties, including structures that can use it for criminal purposes, for example, to collect your data,” the creators of the platform write. Facebook, Instagram, and Telegram pages of the petition platform were recognized as “extremist” materials by the Central District Court of Minsk on December 30, 2024.

The Investigative Committee threatens Belarusians who are going to participate in the festival “Belarusy godnyje lepshaga” (Belarusians deserve better) in Warsaw on January 26 — the day of the “elections”, with criminal liability. The organizers of the festival declare that the purpose of the event is to gather free Belarusians, restore a sense of unity and create a platform for discussing key issues. According to the Investigative Committee, the purpose of the festival is “to create a negative image around the election campaign in Belarus, to inflame the socio-political situation and the external impact on legal institutions.” The security forces also commented on a flash mob “Lukashenka in the shredder”. “The investigation, together with the relevant authorities, is actively working to identify participants in the planned actions abroad. Their activities are documented in order to make a decision on bringing them to criminal responsibility, including through special proceedings. Every fact of illegal activity will be given a strict legal assessment,” the Investigative Committee says.

On January 14-16, the state-owned Belarusian television channel ONT showed the propaganda film “Freedom of Speech” about journalists from the Belarusian service of Radio Liberty (Radyjo Svaboda) and an opposition activist. They all are serving prison sentences and have been recognized as political prisoners. The first part featured an interview with Radyjo Svaboda journalist Andrei Kuznechyk. He has been in custody for three years. The second part was dedicated to Ihar Losik, who was imprisoned for four and a half years. It is not known where exactly the video was recorded – in the colony where Losik is serving his sentence, or in a pre–trial detention center. In the video, Losik looked thin, he was without a cap, wearing a prison jacket. Propagandist Andrei Aliaksandrau (not to be confused with his full namesake, journalist and media manager of  Belapan, who was sentenced in 2021 to 14 years for “high treason” and other “crimes”) was talking to him. Steam was coming out of the mouths of Losik and Aliaksandrau and it was obvious that the temperature in the place where the conversation was taking place was low. Losik was sentenced to 15 years of imprisonment in 2021. His last letter came to his parents on February 20, 2023. He has been held in an incommunicado regime for about two years now, without contact with the outside world. In the third part of the film, journalist Ihar Karney was shownHe was detained in July 2023. In March 2024, he was sentenced to three years of imprisonment under the charge of “participation in an extremist formation”. He, allegedly, collaborated with the Belarusian Association of Journalists, which was recognized as an “extremist group,” and in his materials “gave a false impression of the economic, social, military and international situation of the Republic of Belarus.” He was later sentenced to another eight months of imprisonment for “maliciously disobeying the demands of the colony administration”. The fourth part of the film was devoted to a conversation with opposition activist Yuras Zyankovich. He was found guilty of conspiracy to seize state power unconstitutionally; creating an extremist group; publicly calling for the seizure of power; and inciting discord. He was sentenced to 11 years of imprisonment. In August 2024, he was tried under the charge of “malicious disobedience to the administration of a correctional institution” and sentenced to another two years of imprisonment.

Many Belarusians are called to the police, human resources departments, and dean’s offices before the “elections” for “preventive conversations”. Similar “conversations” are held at various enterprises and institutions. All those who were detained in the past under political charges or have other grounds for surveillance applicable to them are being summoned. The nature of “preventive conversations” varies and depends on who conducts them. In most of the cases known, they were formal in nature, but there were also isolated cases of abuse. It is known that the security forces also received orders to visit the homes of “unreliable” citizens. Over the past few weeks, the police have been visiting these persons and reminding them that they are in the field of view of law enforcement agencies.

In Homel region, police officers visited the homes of Ukrainians, including those who were born in Belarus. They were warned about the inadmissibility of violating political articles of the Administrative and Criminal Codes.

Human rights defender Uladzimir Tselyapun was isolated in Mazyr for the “elections” period. On January 17, he was tried in the Mozyr district Court on administrative charges of “spreading extremist information”. He was detained on January 15.

On January 18, Aliaksandr Lukashenka pardoned 23 more political prisoners. After the previous decrees of Lukashenka, 227 persons had been released. It is noted that this time, three women and 20 men were pardoned. 13 of them were over 50 years old, 14 had chronic illnesses, 12 had children, and one of those pardoned was a father with many children. “They all wrote petitions for clemency, confessed their guilt and repented,” the propaganda Telegram channel “Pul Pervogo” reported. Traditionally, it was stated that the Belarusian Interior Ministry will “monitor” the behavior of those pardoned after their release.

PROPAGANDA

In the lead-up to the event referred to by state media and regime representatives as the “presidential election in Belarus,” pro-government experts and propagandists have intensified their campaign for Aliaksandr Lukashenka. For example, in his January 14 article for “Minskaya Prauda”, propagandist Yauhen Pustavoy attempted to compare Lukashenka’s leadership to that of Ukraine’s President Zelenskyy, to Zelenskyy’s disadvantage. Pustavoy claimed that Zelenskyy was “provoking Lukashenka to remove Belarus from Ukraine negotiations” and predictably warned of a “Ukrainian scenario” that “would have awaited us” without Lukashenka. He also alleged that the West still seeks to ignite Belarus, likening it to a “burning barn” orchestrated by supposed collaborators he labels “Nazis.”

In turn, on the 31st year of his rule, Aliaksandr Lukashenka released yet another election program, which was published in the propagandist newspaper Zviazda. He claims that the challenges of 1994 – when the task was to “steer the nation away from socio-economic collapse” – pale in comparison to today’s mission of «keeping the world from the fatal abyss of war.” According to Lukashenka, strong leadership is essential to prevent the “tearing apart” of the country. He emphasized the need for a “sustainable and efficient socio-economic system,” requiring “new technologies, competitive industries, high quality, zero bureaucracy, and the final eradication of corruption.” To achieve these goals, the dictator urged Belarusians to unite and “turn the page”: “Belarusian society must be united. For those we can’t communicate with effectively, we will build bridges of mutual understanding. Dialogue, not division; seeking paths to relationship-building. On honest principles, we will turn the page on disagreements.” He also pledged to deepen strategic partnerships with Russia and China but simultaneously promised to restore dialogue with the West and “normalize relations with neighbors, disrupted not by our fault or initiative.”

On January 15, Prosecutor General Andrei Shved, head of the so-called “commission on repatriation,” stated that some protest participants abroad wished to return home but refrained from doing so – allegedly not out of the fear of punishment in Belarus, but due to the fear of retribution from their “Western handlers.” He remarked, “We know for certain that many would return, but they are afraid – not of prosecution, but of those curating them in the West. Even those for whom the commission has made a positive decision cannot return for this reason.” Meanwhile, ONT propagandist Ihar Tur, known for closely monitoring regime opponents online, openly threatened those abroad who plan protests against election fraud in Belarus. He warned of new criminal cases, trials in absentia, and property confiscation: “Participation in or organization of events abroad to discredit Belarus, or attempts – even intentions – to disrupt a public event (the presidential election), will result in legal consequences for all involved. Criminal cases in absentia and convictions are one thing <…> But if you have left Belarus yet have kept your property there – whether movable or immovable – and violated the law, it will be seized, even if it was previously transferred to relatives, acquaintances, or random people.”

On January 16, Iryna Lashuk, head of the Center for Social and Humanitarian Studies at Belarusian State Economic University (BSEU), announced the findings of “a sociological survey”. She stated that allegedly over 80% of voters were ready to support Lukashenka, with 85.5% planning to participate in the “election.” Citing her findings, state news agency BelTA reported that respondents were asked, “If the election were held today, whom would you vote for?” “For the current head of state,” allegedly replied 82.5% of those surveyed, while 2.9% preferred “an alternative candidate,” 7.9% said “against all,” and 6.7% indicated they would not vote. This information was widely disseminated by state media. Based on past experience, it is highly likely that on January 26 Lukashenka will receive a vote count approximating this predicted figure.

Also on January 16, Lukashenka expressed his indifference to the possible closure of the Polish-Belarusian border checkpoints: “Let them close all [border crossings]. We do not go there, we do not ship anything there. Is our motorcycle plant delivering products to them? No. They imposed sanctions on us.” He reiterated that Belarusian services would not stop illegal migrants heading to the EU because they “want to live there”: “I have said this a thousand times: I will not protect them even with a noose around my neck. They imposed sanctions on my people, and I am supposed to protect them? No.” Lukashenka again tried to convince voters that his exiled opponents were still discussing plans for an armed attack on Belarus from neighboring countries but simultaneously “warned” Poland that these forces and weapons could allegedly be turned against the Poles.

Lukashenka also claimed that Warsaw allegedly refused to negotiate a release of political prisoner Andrzej Poczobut and “Poczobut rejected this himself,” alleging that the activist did not wish to leave for Poland. Notably, Lukashenko denies the existence of political prisoners in Belarus, asserting that Poczobut, a Belarusian citizen, was prosecuted “in accordance with the law” for “committed crimes.” The same day, Polish Foreign Ministry spokesperson Paweł Wroński emphasized that Poland had never refused such negotiations: “If Belarusian dictator Lukashenka says he does not know what to do with Poczobut, I’ll tell him what to do. First, he should release him from prison.”

On January 16, Eurasia Daily Monitor, published by the Jamestown Foundation, featured an article of pro-Lukashenka expert and propagandist Yauhen Preiherman, who has been affiliated with the Belarusian Foreign Ministry for a long time. Preiherman argued to international readers that Lukashenka’s seventh term might be his last, citing Lukashenka’s recent emphasis on “generational change.” According to Preiherman, this might signal a “transition process that Lukashenka intends to complete during his seventh and likely final term.” Predictably, Preiherman claimed that the West’s opinions and actions supposedly do not significantly concern the regime, though he conceded that sanctions are driving Belarus into greater reliance on Russia. He outlined four priorities for Lukashenka’s new term: allegedly strengthening Belarusian sovereignty, avoiding involvement in the war, fostering generational change in Belarusian politics, and achieving national unity, including “building bridges of understanding” with opponents. Preiherman acknowledged that opposition circles and many Western politicians doubt these promises but predicted that “Minsk might attempt some conciliatory steps toward its political opponents.” Echoing sentiments from 2020, Preiherman called for refraining from “rocking the boat,” urging the government, opposition, and foreign actors to approach Belarusian sovereignty, security, and political evolution “strategically” instead of focusing solely on their “insurmountable differences.”

On January 17, Lukashenka chaired a meeting on foreign trade activities for 2025, expressing frustration that the West “apparently” does not want to cooperate with Belarus: “…we understand perfectly well that our products are entirely unnecessary – unwelcome competition in the automotive and other industries does not fit into the agenda of Western nations influenced by the U.S.,” he said. Nevertheless, he noted that Belarusian authorities were engaging in “dialogue and negotiations with the West on areas of interest to us” and were ready to cooperate if negotiations are successful – but only in line with Belarus’s priorities and interests. Following the meeting, Prime Minister Raman Halouchanka stated that Belarus’s cooperation with the West would “sooner or later” resume. He added that Belarus receives offers for collaboration despite sanctions: “There is interest, particularly from business circles suffering from the policies of their governments, which pursue unclear and mythical values.”

Note from the editors: We do not provide links to publications in official and propagandistic sources belonging to the Lukashenka regime or affiliated with the regime. If you are interested in obtaining such a link for research or investigation purposes, please contact us at info@isans.org

Best regards,
iSANS team

20.01.2025

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